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Is antifa a communist group

In the s and s, there were several night left formations in Germany. I do void it is or upon journalists to think about vroup they no these figures and not do it please in thrills of trying to learn on the by nature of who they are and guide puff pieces about how they are applied. The Palace-Fascist Handbook, cards the no and present of anti-fascist gambling. For hos who have been part of gold groups, we or that it can be account to raise commitment among will.

In the book, I focus on anti-fascism when fascist regimes are not already in power. Certainly there was armed resistance to Franco in Spain. But as far as a militant antifa model in the post-war period, maybe the prototypical example was the 43 Group in London, that organized commando units to shutdown fascist speakers and meetings on street corners around London in the s. Perhaps the next Girl fucked in vergara moment is the Battle of Lewisham in antifq, when the National Front organized an anti-mugging march in an immigrant neighborhood.

All comunist of immigrant anfifa and left groups and feminist groups showed up to block commuist path and successfully shut it down and prevented the National Front from intimidating the community. Some of the participants of that action likened it to the earlier Is antifa a communist group of Cable Street. Other examples, the Battle of Waterloo inwhen Anti-Fascist Action in Britain confronted some skinhead groups and essentially had a battle in a train station. Then, you can also look at the blockades of different white supremacist marches in Dresden in Germany, in Salem in Sweden, in Roskilde in Denmark are also examples of how — at least over the past 20 years — over time, through repeated pressure these marches were essentially stopped.

I wanted to ask specifically about the connection between antifa and fighting organized white supremacy in the US, the Klan, things like that. Resistance to white supremacy and resistance to the Klan goes back much further and is much broader than can be encompassed within the banner of anti-fascism. Obviously, resistance to white supremacy goes back to It goes back to resistance of slavery. It goes back to John Brown and Ida B. Wells, and so forth. It also has a tradition in the radical elements of the labor movement, the IWW having battled against the Klan in the s.

You can look at the Deacons for Defense and the Black Panthers and other kinds of militant opposition to white supremacy. We can see that to some extent the boundaries get a little blurrier, starting around the s when there is more of a cross-pollination between the Klan and neo-Nazi groups, when there is an emergence of what some have called a Nazified Klan. The nexus of those two elements was responsible for the Greensboro Massacre in the late s. They helped organize confrontational counter-protests against Klan events and other similar formations around the country.

The Communist Origins of the Antifa Extremist Group

So it is a broader lineage and sometimes it is not entirely clear where to parse the differences between anti-fascism and a broader anti-racist movement. I would love for you to talk about that in Is antifa a communist group detail. It follows on the trend that developed even a little earlier in Europe. I knew that an important part of this story was around contestations over the punk scene, over skinhead culture, more specifically. But the influence of white power British skinhead culture, which of course, was a lamentable deviation from the original multi-cultural anti-racist skinhead culture, that that really did spread across Europe.

It did spread to North America. The origins of a lot of national white supremacist revival or fascist revival incidents and anti-fascist responses to them in a lot of countries had a lot to do with the white power skinhead scene spreading. That certainly was the case in North America. The interviews I did with anti-racists from the late s and early s were unanimous in citing the origins of Is antifa a communist group organizing in contestations over the local punk scene. A lot of Europeans talk about anti-fascism as kind of a gateway drug for politics or as a first exposure to radical politics because of the immediacy of the white power threat in social scenes, community centers, punk shows, everyday life for youth.

People that I spoke to in the US from a number of different places talked about this being a politics that was immediate, that mattered in their everyday life. I interviewed an anti-fascist from Denmark who emphasized that as a young person, combating capitalism was such a huge task, it was a global task. But being able to push a dozen neo-Nazi skinheads out of the scene was something that was achievable and tangible and immediate and super important in everyday life in a way that young people could feel like they were making a difference. The people that I spoke to said that by the mids, by the late s anti-racist organizing in North America had largely been successful in marginalizing white power skinheads and pushing them out of the scene.

To me, that is a huge accomplishment that needs to be on the record. If this were all laid out for mainstream pundits, I think they would still be dismissive of the importance subcultural scenes, in general, but I think that the whole anti-fascist politics takes seriously subcultural spaces as a way that they can promote politics more widely. One of the things you make clear in the book is that antifa organizers see no group of fascists as too small. I wonder if you could talk a little bit about the historical understanding that springs from. The historical lineage of that perspective comes from the fact that the original fascist and Nazi movements and parties and regimes grew out of very small nuclei.

When Hitler attended his first meeting of the German Workers Party, before he later changed it into the Nazi Party, there were 54 members of that group. More recently, looking at Golden Dawn in Greece, which was a micro-party for several decades before the financial crisis of and then ballooned into the third largest party in Greece, launching attacks on migrants and leftists and so forth. Then, of course, the more immediate experience for immigrant communities, for left scenes, for anyone who is marginalized or who comes under attack by fascists or white supremacists, the presence of even a small group in a neighborhood or city makes its presence felt.

For anyone who is marginalized or who comes under attack by fascists or white supremacists, the presence of even a small group in a neighborhood or city makes its presence felt. Having a few dozen boneheads in your town makes a huge difference and is a huge struggle even if, from a macro-sociological perspective, it is not important. I read one historian talking about the threat of fascists in post-war s London as being marginal, but there are all these cases of synagogues being vandalized and Jews being assaulted. They will go away. I think that is a real point that gets lost, that most of the people who are writing the same exact column in every major newspaper and a lot of major magazines, are not the ones who are under threat in the first place.

But the media has paid a lot of attention to personalities like Richard Spencer and Milo Yiannopoulos this year. There is a possibility of paying too much attention to these people, although I think that is mostly a question for media and not for organizers. I wonder if you have some thoughts on how people navigate that tension of not wanting to make the far right seem big and dangerous even as they are trying to combat them with the understanding that they could be. To some extent you answered the question in the question.

It is different for media versus for organizing. Meaning, attention sometimes is attention. So, if there is going to be a large counter-protest to a fascist mobilization that will necessarily draw media. It is not entirely distinct, but it is somewhat distinct. What I will say about this issue that I think is one of the most important things that is lost in the public conversation about it is that attention in and of itself is not in and of itself fuel for political movements to grow. One of the common arguments that is made is that if XYZ, fill-in-the-blank fascist group gets attention, that is how they will grow and therefore by organizing to shut them down and therefore attracting media, you are giving them attention and therefore they will grow.

While there is a kernel of truth in the sense that these far right speakers and these groups do want attention, of course they do want people to know what they are about. Part of this assumption derives from the fact that, as you subtly suggest with your question, there is a focus on individuals and not groups and that there is a focus on the level of profile of individual personalities in the media. How famous is Richard Spencer? How famous is Milo Yiannopoulos gauged in terms of book sales and media appearances? That is a conversation to have, but if the groups that they are connected to or the groups that take inspiration from them are not able to grow and these ideas that they espouse are not able to take root in any kind of substantive public collective way, then that really defangs them.

I do think it is incumbent upon journalists to think about how they cover these figures and not do it just in terms of trying to capitalize on the scandalous nature of who they are and write puff pieces about how they are charismatic. I agree with that. But giving them more attention is not the entirety of the political conversation, I guess you could say. I wonder if you could talk about some of the tactics that folks are using, because most of the media coverage focuses on these counter-rallies. The role of public opinion in this is one of the more interesting topics to talk about. That comes into effect most visibly with doxxing, where some of the greatest success perhaps in recent anti-fascist organizing have come from doxxing individuals.

He was apparently living below the radar in Nebraska and the local antifa group in Nebraska doxxed him and forced him to drop out of school and move and relocate his whole life. That is just one example of how simply by doing some research online and posting some flyers these kinds of hubs of organizing can be thoroughly disrupted. So research is super important. Looking at Charlottesville, for example, and looking at the coverage of who the different groups were that were organizing the Unite the Right rally, who their leaders were, how they had been in touch with each other, what they were saying on social media, all of this information was available in the weeks leading up to Charlottesville on all sorts of alternative websites.

That if you are endangering people with what you say and the actions that are behind them, then you do not have the right to do that. And so we go to cause conflict, to shut them down where they are, because we don't believe that Nazis or fascists of any stripe should have a mouthpiece". It furthermore notes that "physically confronting and defending against fascists is a necessary part of anti-fascist work, but is not the only or even necessarily the most important part". Department of Homeland Security and the Federal Bureau of Investigation believed that "anarchist extremists" were the primary instigators of violence at public rallies against a range of targets.

The Department of Homeland Security was said to have classified their activities as domestic terrorism. Politico interviewed law enforcement officials who noted a rise in activity since the beginning of the Trump administration, particularly a rise in recruitment and on the part of the far right as well since the Charlottesville Unite the Right rally. Politico stated that one internal assessment acknowledged an inability to penetrate the groups' "diffuse and decentralized organizational structure". Politico also reported that the agencies were as of April monitoring "conduct deemed potentially suspicious and indicative of terrorist activity".

The parade organizers also received an anonymous email, saying: The two groups denied having anything to do with the email. The parade was ultimately canceled by the organizers due to safety concerns. Patriot Prayer was supporting biology professor Bret Weinstein who became the central figure in a controversy after he criticized changes to one of the college's events.

In addition to peaceful antifa activists who held up a Iw love" sign, USA Today reported that one slashed the tires of right-wing s Joey Gibson and another was wrestled to the ground by Patriot Prayer activists after being seen with a knife. The event drew a largely peaceful crowd of 40, counter-protestors. In The AtlanticMcKay Coppins stated that the 33 people arrested for violent incidents were "mostly egged on by the minority of 'Antifa' agitators in the crowd".


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